Since the outbreak of the US-Israel war on Iran, migrant workers across the Gulf have been among those most affected by its fallout. Lower-income workers, in particular, have faced heightened risks, for example, when employers require them to remain at hazardous sites near potential targets while limiting their ability to leave. This unequal burden is starkly reflected in the death toll: of the at least 23 people killed in the Gulf, 21 were non-citizens - Opens in new tab. Beyond the impact of the violence, the war’s economic aftershocks continue to disrupt migrant workers’ lives and livelihoods. Even amid the ceasefire, Gulf states have provided workers with little to no meaningful support. In Bahrain, where the economy was already strained before the war, migrant workers are now finding themselves in even more precarious and exploitative working conditions.
“No Work No Pay”
During the first week of the war, as it became evident that the ongoing attacks would not be short-lived, many low-income migrant workers were instructed not to return to work until further notice. This was especially prevalent in the service sector, particularly in areas such as Juffair, where the nearby US naval base was targeted by missile and drone attacks. The hospitality sector was also hit hard, as Bahrain’s tourism industry suffered a sharp downturn during the war and the fragile ceasefire that followed.
A month into the conflict, some migrant workers reported receiving uniform messages from their employers: “no work, no pay.” Some of these workers received food, but little else. Many others were left to fend for themselves, completely dependent on migrant community groups for support.
A migrant community representative in Bahrain told MRRORS that during the first month of the war, they received numerous requests from migrant workers, including construction sector employees. These requests were for food assistance and for support with accommodation costs, as employers and sponsors failed to fulfill obligations. “It is like the Covid pandemic again, we were helping many migrants with food supplies who otherwise had no means to feed themselves,” they said. Another representative noted that, unlike during the pandemic, when many individuals and organisations stepped in to volunteer or donate, support this time has been far more limited, leaving migrant aid networks overstretched and struggling to meet urgent needs.
Not all migrant workers were told to stop reporting to work. Many were instead required to continue working for only a fraction of their usual pay. “This time around, we also saw several cases of workers being told to continue working for half pay, or in some cases no pay at all, with employers promising that lost wages would be compensated once conditions returned to normal,” the representative added.
Several migrant workers who spoke to MRRORS said they received only half of their wages last month, though few were reluctant to place full blame on their employers, acknowledging the wider economic strain. One waiter employed at a restaurant explained, “Business was already struggling before the war, and we were not in a good place even then, so we cannot blame the owner entirely. But the situation is much worse now…”
Barriers to Leaving
Much like during the pandemic, many low-income migrant workers whose contracts were terminated after the outbreak of the war found themselves stranded in Bahrain, unable to return home. With Bahrain International Airport closed at the onset of the conflict, the only route out of the country was through the King Fahd Causeway to Dammam airport - a journey that was not financially viable for many.
Migrant community representatives told MRRORS that, while a route home existed, expensive airfares, coupled with employers’ refusal to cover travel costs, left many workers trapped. One migrant worker from India said that a one-way ticket that previously cost around BD70 had risen to at least BD360. For migrants without embassy representation, or whose embassies were unable or unwilling to assist with transit visas to Saudi Arabia or emergency travel documents, leaving became even more difficult. Others chose to remain despite unemployment, hoping conditions would improve, or because debt and financial obligations at home made returning empty-handed difficult.
Migrant workers who lost their jobs reported being unable to access their end-of-service entitlements, a critical source of financial support during unemployment. Since March 2024, employers have been required to contribute workers’ indemnity payments to the Social Insurance Organisation, which then disburses the funds directly to workers at the end of their service. However, disruptions to government digital systems - Opens in new tab during the war left many unable to register or log into the online portal to access these benefits. Migrants and community representatives also told MRRORS that many later discovered their employers had not made the required contributions, making them ineligible for payment. As one representative explained, “No one seems to be responsible. Those without an 'E-Key” cannot access what they are owed, and those whose employers failed to contribute must go through a lengthy court process to recover their dues.”
A Safety Net That Excludes Migrants
Bahrain’s primary response to the economic fallout of the war has centered on measures that largely benefit businesses and citizens, while offering no direct relief to migrant workers. Among the government’s key interventions was a policy allowing individuals and companies to defer loan installments and credit card payments for three months, with both principal and interest payments postponed during that period.
At the same time, Bahrain’s parliament - Opens in new tabagreed recently to cover April salaries for more than 100,000 Bahraini workers whose employers are unable to meet payroll obligations. The amendment would allow the temporary and exceptional use of the unemployment insurance fund to settle the wages of insured Bahraini workers.
The proposal echoes measures adopted during the pandemic, when the government used the unemployment insurance fund to subsidise Bahraini wages and support struggling businesses. Yet, many of those same businesses reportedly reduced wages, withheld pay, or terminated migrant workers, even as migrant workers themselves contribute to the unemployment insurance system. Once again, migrants appear to be financing a safety net from which they receive no meaningful protection.
A concerning long-term consequence of the crisis is the possibility that Gulf states may regress on recent labour and immigration reforms, further weakening protections for migrant workers. This risk is particularly acute in Bahrain, where economic pressures are mounting - Opens in new tab. Last month, authorities declared force majeure on operations involving Bapco Energies and Aluminium Bahrain, sectors critical to the national economy. Combined with the severe blow to tourism, the country faces a period of prolonged economic strain. In such conditions, there is a real danger that the government will push for policies that allow for more exploitation. Targeting of migrants and businesses will continue and increase, passing losses down the supply chain, deepening the already widespread practices of delayed and unpaid wages, and exploitative working conditions for the lowest-paid migrant workers.
Early signs of this shift are already visible. The Bahraini government has recently revised its summer midday work ban for outdoor work, reducing its duration from three months to two and a half months, a move that likely reflects pressure from construction firms seeking to recover lost working time and offset war-related losses.
There is also growing concern that the post-war environment may mirror the period following COVID-19, when many unemployed migrants were subjected to immigration raids, detention, and deportation. Recent legislative and political developments and rhetoric suggest a further hardening of policy. Last week - Opens in new tab, Bahrain’s parliament passed amendments to the Traffic Law introducing stricter licensing conditions for migrant workers, including tying licence validity to residency permits and expanding regulatory discretion over migrant applicants. The week before - Opens in new tab, several members of parliament called for legislative action against migrant “bachelors” living in residential areas designated for families, portraying them as a “growing danger” to public safety, a rhetoric that risks further stigmatizing migrant communities.
Whether the war starts again or the ceasefire endures, migrant workers in Bahrain are already living with its consequences. They may be forced, once again, to absorb the costs of a crisis they did not create. Without real protections and stronger enforcement of workers’ rights, many risk being pushed into even deeper insecurity and exploitation in the months ahead.
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