For migrant workers, sheltering in place is as pointless as social distancing

At the best of times, the Kafala system and its provisions render migrant workers – especially low-wage earners – vulnerable to extreme exploitation and severely dependent on their employers/kafeels for survival. In times of crises, this vulnerability is exacerbated: something we have seen time and again. Six years ago, the global pandemic affected workers around the world, and in the GCC states it was particularly migrants who bore the brunt as their living and working conditions were at odds with the mandates of the emergency public health policies.  

The ongoing war and escalation targeting GCC states seems a pandemic redux many times over. The near impunity with which the latest phase of the genocide of Palestinians has been carried out has given the US-Israel hegemony unbridled ambition to wage an unwarranted, expansionist war – finding new targets and victims. The GCC states have always been seen as a safe region – barring personal freedoms. Only Kuwait has witnessed any form of military aggression in recent history.

While many lower-income workers are used to long hours in harness, gruelling heat, inadequate pay and labour without dignity, what no one signed up or prepared for was missile interceptions and drone attacks, with incessant sirens as the backdrop to their workday, facing their worst fears while making food deliveries, and the myriad other ways in which their lives and livelihoods have been impacted.

According to Human Rights Watch - Opens in new tab, “As of March 25, conflict-related deaths in Gulf countries have included migrant workers, among them a Pakistani driver - Opens in new tab, a Nepali security guard - Opens in new tab, and a Bangladeshi water-tanker driver - Opens in new tab, according - Opens in new tab to media - Opens in new tab and official - Opens in new tabgovernment - Opens in new tabreporting - Opens in new tab. Others have been injured.” 

These numbers are likely to grow if the war restarts on full scale again: casualties of war where no one person is held accountable, but some form of compensation may be provided. But there are also larger numbers of unnamed casualties of war: those whose services are quickly rendered redundant, albeit temporarily, or whose loss of wages has a deeper impact across borders, affecting families dependent on remittance for survival.

What shelter?

We have now gone from social distancing to ‘shelter in place’, both constituting useless guidance when it comes to low-income workers. As impossible as it was to socially distance in cramped accommodations, it is far more difficult to shelter in place.

The US embassy that first sent out a ‘shelter in place’ alert to its citizens on 1 March suggested these measures, amongst others: - Opens in new tab

• Find a secure location within your residence or another safe building. Have a supply of food, water, medications, and other essential items.
• Avoid demonstrations, keep a low profile, and stay aware of your surroundings.
• Pay close attention to official communications from the Qatari government and the U.S. Embassy.
• Follow the instructions of local authorities.
• Monitor local media for breaking news. Be prepared to adjust your plans.
• Keep your phone charged and maintain communication with family and friends to inform them of your status.

One would assume and expect that these are fairly simple steps to follow. Except if you are a migrant worker completely dependent on your employer to provide you with food and shelter, and access to information is limited in your native language. The labour accommodations are not only crowded; most often, these are flimsy portacabins in remote areas outside the main cities. Hence, the scenario of workers in labour camps having an extra supply of any essential items is unlikely. For those who have to cook for themselves, provisions are bought on an as-needed basis. For the others, the employers provide food through the catering service.

Moreover, while salaries remain static, and sometimes reduced, food prices have been going up. The situation gets even more dire in sectors where there are no set wages, just commissions. The most impacted amongst them are the fishermen who earn a commission based on their catch. The Persian Gulf waters are risky even in peacetime, with fishermen always in a precarious situation.

While food and shelter may not be the most pressing issue for domestic workers in live-in arrangements, inadequate access to information and longer working hours than usual are reported widely. Delivery riders, again a group that works on commission, are caught between a rock and a hard place. Social media posts romanticise their ‘bravery’ in delivering food even as missiles were being intercepted overhead, normalising the rampant exploitation inherent to the gig economy. Throw into this mix workers with irregular status. 

This opinion piece does not seek to analyse the intent and impact of this illegal and unnecessary war. What we want to deconstruct is the ways in which migrants once again are in the line of fire, literally and figuratively. In general, furloughs and terminations already seem to be set in motion. Those who travelled out of the country for annual leave, coinciding with Ramadan, are not only struggling to return, but also being threatened with layoffs.  

A feature, not a bug
Every vulnerability faced by workers is deliberate. Only two of the GCC states have a minimum wage, and both are so low that workers on that wage scale are completely dependent on their employer for their very sustenance and survival. More than an economic compulsion, this is a design feature of the Kafala, whereby the power imbalance in favour of the state and citizens can only be maintained if dependence is absolute. And therefore, so too is the control over millions of migrant workers.

The abdication of responsibility of the state and employer is the hallmark of the Kafala system. And in times of crisis, not only is it most evident, but it also encourages both to keep the system in place, since neither state nor employer bears losses. The ease with which workers can be hired and fired, retained and deported – with all of the incidental costs of reintegration, social protection, skills training and recruitment borne by the migrant and their home state – is not only the reason why Kafala endures against all criticism. It is also seen as something to be emulated, as visa systems in the West and in other parts of Asia begin to mimic the ‘temporary’ labour migration system.

The lessons from the pandemic, so recent in our memory, unfortunately did not translate to better rights for workers - Opens in new tab as we hoped. That economies and businesses bounced back without being held responsible for the plight of labour migrants only made a case for the benefits of temporariness. The fallout of this war, even if the war itself may be short, will be felt for years to come. So many national oil and gas companies have invoked force majeure - Opens in new tab, and with much of the GCC economies revolving directly or indirectly around the energy sector, the impact will be felt dramatically across the supply and subcontracting chain. Our upcoming reports will highlight the domino effect.

In the coming months, the efficiency of grievance mechanisms and labour institutions will be tested once again; and if the evidence so far is any indicator, this will fail again. There was no significant change in policies after the pandemic to prioritise the human rights of migrant workers. The Gulf states do not have the best record of labour rights, and wars give them an almost invincible shield against criticism. What we must remember and push back on is that the system is structured to perfection, to ensure least responsibility and maximum productivity, and war is not an exception or an excuse. National security and citizen interests have been the main concern of states, and in times of war this stance is further strengthened and justified.